Sharjeel Imam on Jail, Politics, and the Future

Sharjeel Imam on Jail, Politics: Sharjeel Imam responds in a letter to Arka — a journalist he holds in deep regard — reflecting on his life, intellectual pursuits, political convictions, and experiences behind bars. Written from Tihar Jail, the letter covers a wide range of subjects: the legal and constitutional implications of his detention, his reading life, his intellectual heroes, his mother, his daily routine, and his vision for Muslim political empowerment in India. What emerges is a portrait of a man who has used incarceration not as a defeat but as a period of intense study, reflection, and ideological sharpening.

Dear Arka Deb

First of all, I apologise for not responding to your questions earlier – both the set of Bangla as well as Eng questions. As for the former, although I can read Bangla fluently, I have been reading for many years, and my articulation is less than satisfactory.

[Bangla text] আমি বাংলা পড়তে ও বুঝতে পারি কিন্তু খুব ভালো ও অনর্গল বলতে ও লিখতে পারি না | "এই সময়" সংবাদপত্র আপনার প্রবন্ধ পড়লাম – মুজাহিদদের আত্মাভিমান – দেরির জন্য ক্ষমা চাই |

I was thinking of responding in Eng, but then it was too late. As for the latter set of questions in Eng., as the SC hearing was going on, I wished for the dust to settle down before responding to your questions.

Before I answer the specific questions, I have a couple of things to say about the SC Order. First, the order equates "chakka jaam" to a terror act by bringing it under "any other means" of Section 15 of UAPA. This reading, if not overturned, will be a devastating blow to democracy in our republic – any blockade or protest, even if it has nothing to do with sovereignty, even if the protest is non-violent, can be brought under the ambit of UAPA. Even within UAPA, the distinction between "unlawful activity" (which is a political offence) and "terrorism" (which is a crime against humanity) has been further reduced to the point of irrelevance.

The second issue is the rejection of bail applications of Umar and me. We are being punished for being the most articulate voices of the protest. And I am being specifically targeted for leading the Shaheen Bagh movement in its initial and formative phase. The irony is that despite a clear signal from RSS-BJP that we are being punished for our roles in anti-CAA protest, there is a section of "secular" and "liberal" media which still underplays my contributions by dismissing me and referring to the "chicken neck" chakka jaam slogan – as if I am in jail just because I am a mad man or a "secessionist" and had no significant role to play in the protests.

They wilfully ignore the fact that the speech was about peaceful chakka jaam, and that I have secured bail in all speech cases, even if I were guilty. I have completed more than enough years for most of these cases. Right now, I am in jail for the Delhi riots case – not my speeches – I am in jail because I played a crucial role in leading the protests from early December. Sometimes I feel thankful to the Delhi police for meticulously researching and recording my role in protests and the Shaheen Bagh for future generations. Otherwise, the "Secular" media would have written me out of history — and why? Because I don't conform to their image of a good Muslim, because I am too much of a Muslim for them, because my ideas of social justice are intimately linked to my Islamic faith; also because I challenge their fabricated version of the history of partition and the Republic, because I wish for a re-reading of the history of partition vis-à-vis minority rights and decentralisation and so on. The best thing in your inbox this week

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It is not about me; it is about the assertion of Muslim-ness, the narrative of minority rights, proportional representation, etc., which expresses itself through political actors like me and through these massive protests. The anti-CAA protests have marked a watershed moment in the history of Muslim India – this moment has engendered new discourses. And I, along with a few of my colleagues, represent one important strand – one which busts the myth of "secularism" and points towards the structural and systemic issues which have made the emergence of naked fascism possible – issues which brought Muslims to the helpless state we find ourselves in – the seeds were planted in the 1940s by Congress itself. Partition itself was a result of the denial of legitimate Muslim demands vis-à-vis decentralisation and religious autonomy and guaranteed representation – demands which Congress rejected and imposed a near-unitary Constitution with no safeguards for minorities and no guaranteed representation. We represent this new democratic voice – and in my opinion, this is one of the two most important consequences of the anti-CAA protests – the emergence of a coherent discourse; the other being the fact that the effectiveness of a disruptive chakka jaam restored some agency to an otherwise beleaguered minority represented mostly by a self-serving leadership.

But more on this later.

I have one request, though – please translate all of this, including the following answers, into Bangla. And before I forget, during this period when attempts were made to silence me or erase my name by a section of "secular" media and politicians, people like you, Aarko, upright, brave, hardworking and sensitive journalist who helped me in keeping my spirit up — I will be forever grateful to you.

May God reward you.

Dear Aarko, I know it is a long piece, but please publish it in full – both in Eng and Bangla – full translation.

Cheers, Sharjeel

(Q2) About Structural Reforms:

In my studies and research on partition, I have long come back to the conclusion that the Cabinet Mission Plan, 1946, was the last serious attempt towards solving these issues, but Congress rejected it, which led to partition. Any future solution which attempts to bring peace between communities and nations of South Asia will have to follow the Cabinet Mission Plan blueprint – a loose confederation of decentralised nations.

But in the short term, we need to struggle and agitate for 4 (four) broad systemic changes necessary for Muslims and other marginalised sections:

① Decentralisation – power goes from bottom to top and not the other way round. Empower urban and local bodies vis-à-vis the state govt and empower the state government vis-à-vis the Union Government. This should be a fundamental feature and sacrosanct, so that enabling every democracy on an autonomous state like J&K to convert it into something else should be unimaginable.

② Proportional Representation (PR) as the way of elections – i.e., seats according to vote percentage – First Past the Post (FPTP) should be abolished; it is the most undemocratic way of conducting elections, particularly unsuitable for a vast and diverse nation like India. Nations across the world are moving from FPTP to PR or mixed systems – Germany, Indonesia, NZ, Türkiye, etc., even in South Asia – Nepal and Sri Lanka. Bangladesh is also discussing a switch to PR, according to newspaper reports.

Retired Election Commissioner SY Qureishi also talked about his changed stand regarding FPTP and PR in his recent book.

③ Reservations for religious minorities in institutions – judiciary, executive, universities, etc., all branches and depts – with internal quotas for backward and marginalised castes/sections within these religious groups.

④ A democratic mechanism for complete religious autonomy – e.g. Waqf, to be handled by an elected Muslim body, elected by Muslims.

These fundamental changes are necessary for all marginalised classes – just check how many seats Mayawati's BSP would have received in the 2014 LS or 2024 LS (BSP had no MPs), or in the 2017 assembly or 2022 assembly of UP if their vote percentage was taken into account. In 2014 they were the 3rd largest party in India with 4% vote but zero seats! This is how FPTP suppresses the voice of the marginalised. (Similarly, in Bihar '25, RJD got 38% votes but fewer than 15% seats).

(Q7) Global Events:

Yes, I do follow international news through whatever newspapers we get and some TV channels. I have always been an avid follower of international news esp of the Islamic World, the US and Europe.

We all live in a state of blissful ignorance – we try to make sense of what little information we possess. It is difficult, rather impossible, to say anything meaningful about "global politics" in any age, and the current period seems even more chaotic. But since you have asked, I would take the risk of saying a few words. First of all, adding to the complexity are two new and interrelated factors – (i) internet (live data across globe, data democratisation, Gen Z, etc.) and (ii) Semiconductors – (AI, drones, supply chain, rare earths, etc.) – which are shaping the contours of global politics and conflicts.

But at the heart of the recent developments (tariffs, etc.) and the chaos which ensued are the contradictions within the finance capitalist model, which are being played out in its headquarters, i.e., the United States. To maximise profits, the capitalists look for cheaper labour across the globe, accumulating profit in the US – among the elites – but in the process deindustrialising the United States. Now the deindustrialised US, the Rust Belt, etc., is hitting back in the shape of Donald Trump – rocking the boat with tariffs, etc. A major consequence of this outsourcing and the process of deindustrialisation was the rise of China as a manufacturing powerhouse, which has complicated matters for the US as a global power. But self-sufficiency in areas like semiconductors has become central to the idea of sovereignty and national defence – even for the US.

About Gaza – Salaam to the brave and revolutionary people of Gaza, whose struggle against the settler colonial project of Israel continues – it has entered a new phase. Their sacrifices over the last 7 decades and the genocide perpetrated against them in the last two years – they will not go in vain – they have gained supporters from every corner of the world – their genocide is being watched live by the world, Israel has been delegitimized, the Zionist occupation has been laid bare – the illegal occupation of Palestine has been brought to the centre of international politics and global conscience. Among the Muslims of the world, the realisation has dawned that the Palestinians are the vanguard of the anti-imperial and anti-colonial movement.

The other big development is the revival of Russia from its lowest point 20 yrs ago – when it was almost on the verge of being subordinated by the Western powers. Three decades of absolute unipolarity are over – the emerging bloc of Russia, China and Iran will be one of the most significant players in the Eurasian landmass (although China has to face a looming demographic crisis). And as the US reverses supply chain linkages and Europe wanes into geopolitical irrelevance, blocs such as Russia, China, Iran, or ASEAN, or West Asian groupings will emerge as the prominent movers. The best path forward for us would be to make peace and integrate with our neighbours in South Asia – in order to realise our full economic, cultural and geopolitical potential. But for that, we will have to do away with anti-Muslim poison first.

(Q5) On Systemic Barriers (Legal Aid):

One of the most conspicuous and prohibitive barriers is the language itself. Most long-time inmates, whether undertrials or convicts, do not know English, the language in which almost all business of courts is carried out. Almost all legal literature in jails is also in English, including jail manuals. Over the years, I have translated orders, laws, witness statements, etc., for hundreds of inmates. I have observed that those with a keen interest in their case are quick to react in a meaningful way once they comprehend the larger legal landscape and the details of their cases. I believe that the language issue is the most important issue, even more than class, which is the next most important barrier. Poor inmates are regularly swindled by some crooked lawyers – these lawyers wish for the case or even bail hearing to be dragged as long as the inmate can be squeezed for whatever money he has, and then the lawyer disappears.

In this age of AI, the least the Courts can do is to arrange for dynamic translations for all court proceedings and orders in the relevant regional languages. As for the class issue, there should be a stricter scrutiny of the way lawyers are paid – at least some accountability has to be there, especially for poorer inmates. Additionally, the legal aid offered by the state should be made more attractive for sincere and hardworking lawyers.

Finally, I should point out that whatever little help I could provide to my co-accused and other poor inmates was only possible because of the hard work and dedication of my lawyers esp. Ahmad Ibrahim, Talib Mustafa, Ayesha Zaidi and Jeet Chakrabarty. They treated these cases as seriously as they treat my cases. I am extremely lucky to have found such lawyers and friends, who share a sense of duty towards the underprivileged. I would also like to point out that this long legal struggle could not have been possible without the help of a few friends esp from the IITs, who helped me as a fellow alumnus and a friend, and given the low percentage of Muslims in IITs, almost all of them are non-Muslims.

(Q9) On Jail Memoir:

I have already spent 6 yrs in jail, and I would probably have to spend at least 1, 1.5 more. I often joke about it – my education – 5 yrs in IIT Bombay, 6 yrs in JNU and now 6 yrs in Tihar. Jail is a unique place, and for me it has brought innumerable lessons about human nature, state bureaucracy, legal affairs, as well as animals, especially cats. I do have a lot to say about jail life and will definitely write a memoir when I am out. But for now, the more important thing is our political discourse – and a clear message – jail is a small price to pay for our political rights.

(Q6) Daily Routine:

Reading newspapers – I go through many newspapers daily. Then reading books, playing badminton, watching some news on TV, and namaz in congregation in our ward mosque. And a little FM (radio) before sleeping. That's pretty much it. And yes, I observe and am also involved in the lives of the cats in and around my ward – esp through the perspective of "chhotu" – a male cat which has been living with me 24x7 since its birth around 4 yrs ago.

(Q4) Mother:

When I surrendered to the Delhi police in Kako, she was present there – she said to me, "You are God's gift to me, I am returning you to his custody." She has always followed this line. She tells me to be patient, have faith in God, read the Qur'an and not be restless. She also tells me not to become too headstrong and listen to others esp my brother. She was the wife of a politician who worked tirelessly for people and maintained a clean image – so she is a veteran of sacrifices and a reservoir of faith, patience and inspiration for me. She, along with my brother, had to face financial hardships because of my incarceration – but she never complained. At this stage of her age, when she needed me most, I was unfortunately not there for her.

(Q1) About Election:

I have written earlier about the reasons for planning to take part in the Bihar elections '25 from Bahadurganj in the Seemanchal region in my earlier interviews, especially Scroll and Outlook. I will summarise the points here:

• First of all, there were many youth and residents from Bahadurganj who had proposed this idea to us, and suggested us to contest from there.
  

• Bahadurganj is in Seemanchal, and that region is the poorest and most neglected in Bihar, which is already the poorest state.
  

• In the FPTP system, as a political actor arguing for minority empowerment, I cannot be an enabler for the BJP by contesting from those seats where the BJP might win because of the split of Muslim votes. But that doesn't mean that we have to fall in line behind the so-called "secular" parties who take our vote for granted. We can and should give the secular parties a challenge where the BJP doesn't contest (like seats where JDU is contesting), or at the very least, where Muslims and minorities dominate. It is our responsibility to defeat the BJP, but where it doesn't contest or can't win, we will push our discourse for minority empowerment – that is the only space we have, and we have to use it. We are and will be at the forefront of anti-fascist struggles, but with our own discourse of systemic and constitutional changes for empowering the marginalised. In a Muslim-majority constituency like Bahadurganj, we can discuss and propagate our discourse more freely, we can challenge the "secular" parties and force them to take note of our positive politics of systemic change – without fear of aiding the BJP or polarisation, etc. .And last but not least, Seemanchal also has the distinction of being the largest and foremost region (apart from some pockets in WB) where various dialects and registers of Bangla and Urdu/Hindi are spoken and read. Bangla and Urdu/Hindi are the two largest languages of South Asia and also the two largest languages of Muslims of South Asia. More than 90% of South Asian Muslims can understand one of these two languages.
  

However, unfortunately, I couldn't secure interim bail, and the cost of custody parole would have been prohibitive. My presence was necessary to galvanise my supporters and to give them confidence, and to present and articulate the issues in the new way that I attempt to do.

What lessons did we learn? First of all, the response was overwhelming, both on the ground and across India on social media – thousands of people sent messages, reacted and offered support. In the constituency, which is highly rural and vast, we held multiple programs – the reception was much better than what we expected, despite the fact that this is hundreds of KMs from my home in Jehanabad.

Our team and friends had an important learning experience – we plan to be there as soon as I am released. Additionally, the reach on social media of our discourse and our discussions about systemic changes revealed to me the extent of disillusionment with the current state of affairs; a political vacuum among Indian Muslims, which we have to fill not with emotive issues, but with reasoned, empirical, structured discourse about systemic and constitutional changes. But that doesn't mean, I repeat, that we should split Muslim votes in those constituencies where we don't have a comfortable majority of votes, and the BJP wins because of our exercise. We should limit our exercise, for now, to seats where minorities form a large majority or to seats where the BJP is not contesting at all – even if its allies are. And we have to reject those "Muslim" parties which do not make this important distinction, and their reckless approach helps the BJP. This is the most important constraint for our politics till electoral reforms happen, and FPTP is abolished in favour of PR. But even with these constraints, we can challenge the "secular" parties and help shape the political discourse.

(Q3) Iqbal and Ali Shariati:

First, about Iqbal – I started reading him in earnest in my 11th class and then through IIT Bombay. He is probably the most important and enlightened modern Islamic thinker of the 20th century, and at the same time a political actor in late colonial British India. He is one of those rare thinkers who absorbed the 20th century revolutions in Physics (like Relativity and Quantum) and Biology (like evolution) and grasped their significance and set out to "reconstruct" Islamic religious thought based on Qur'anic fundamentals of monotheism, personal accountability, justice and equality; shedding away the accidental and sometimes plain superstitious traditions which had latched on to these fundamentals over centuries. He foregrounded the exceptional nature of the mission of Prophet Muhammad as well as the Islamic ummah, but at the same time highlighted the Qur'anic empathy and respect for other monotheistic communities and humans. All of these complicated themes, Iqbal expresses in his sublime poetry in Urdu and Persian and in his English prose. For me, it was Iqbal who made me understand social justice as an integral part of Islam, and scientific enlightenment and empiricism as an integral part of Islam. It was Iqbal who transformed me from a mere practising Muslim to a thinking Muslim, from a sectarian boy to an empathetic Muslim.

The second dimension of Iqbal – his politics is also informed by his faith and religious thought – a call to decentralisation, community-based representation and full religious and provincial autonomy – these ideas he propagated till his death. The Cabinet Mission Plan in 1946, eight years after his death, had accommodated most of his proposals. His critiques of Congress and Gandhi are still relevant and have given me innumerable insights into my study of partition. Interestingly, despite being in opposite political camps, Iqbal and Maulana Azad had more in common esp in matters of faith and enlightenment. Also, Azad was the most vocal supporter of the Cabinet Mission Plan '46, which was a product of ideas propagated by Iqbal – although Congress ultimately rejected it. Iqbal was all of this and much more. Please go through my essay "On Tawhid" and my essay on "Islamic Modernism" on the POLIS Project for a discussion on Iqbal's influence on my faith and work.

About Ali Shariati: A friend in JNU introduced me to Shariati through a book in 2013. I could read Persian, but what hooked me to listening to Persian was Ali Shariati – his audio lectures – hundreds of them on Youtube, were powerful, articulate and pleasing to hear, almost musical. That led me to a deep exploration of the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran, of which Ali Shariati, a young professor of history, was one of the major architects, although he died in 1977 after being imprisoned by the Shah. He is in many ways a successor to Iqbal, and I hold him in great respect – check his book "Iqbal and Us." Like Iqbal, he has a beautiful articulation of the fundamentals of Islam, prophetic narrations, etc. What attracted me to him, besides these, was his creative and, for the most part, non-sectarian exposition of the Shia school of thought and history. As a child brought up in a Sunni household, I was ignorant of the nuances, which I learnt from him. Iqbal, from a Sunni family, and Ali, from a Shia family, are both non-sectarian and enlightened Muslims and humanists. They taught me to respect not only all sects of Islam but also, as mentioned earlier, all monotheistic traditions in the world.

Like Iqbal, Ali Shariati engaged with Marxist thought and wrote critiques of Marxism, capitalism, and Materialism. While Iqbal's critiques were more philosophical in nature, invoking post-modern physics and ontology, or evolutionary epistemology, Ali Shariati's critiques were more historical, detailed in facts esp about human nature and the history of societies. It is partly a reflection of his profession – Iqbal was a philosopher, Ali tilted towards history and sociology; but also of the age in which he lived – Iqbal died in the 1930s, when Ali was born – Ali lived through WWII and the totalitarian turn of the USSR – so his works account for these developments.

And finally, Ali was an active revolutionary – he and his students formed the vanguard of the uprising against the Shah, and they paid with their lives. Ali Shariati died in his 40s. He is a true modern Muslim hero.

About Books:

I gave a long list in an article two years ago (in Maktoobmedia) and more recently in an interview on Quint. (Please add a link to the relevant paras here.) Hence, I would take only a few important names here.

My readings can be classified into 5 categories:

(1) Science and Philosophy – Over the last few years, I have read scientists who led the way in 20th-century Physics and Mathematics, like Bohr, Schrödinger, Gödel, Heisenberg, etc., and related philosophical texts as well. A set of books by Max Jammer on developments in 20th-century physics has also been particularly helpful.

(2) History – World history, South Asian and Islamic history. (Hobsbawm, Bayly, Hodgson, Dalrymple, Partha Sarathi Gupta, etc.) Recent – Joya Chatterjee's Shadow at Noon.

(3) Islamic literature – Significant names include Shah Waliullah, Iqbal, Ali Shariati, Maulana Azad, Abdullah Yusuf Ali, etc. Recently, around 6-7 books by Rashid Ghaz have been extremely thought-provoking. In poetry, Hafiz Shirazi, Akbar Ilahabadi, etc.

(4) Fiction in general – P.G. Wodehouse, Amitav Ghosh, Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, etc. But I would like to esp. mention Tagore's Ghare Baire (ঘরে বাইরে), which I read after watching Satyajit Ray's adaptation in jail. The way this novel complicates the 'Swadeshi' movement is fascinating. Also, the protagonist Nikhilesh's refusal to chant Vande Mataram and his reasons for it are still relevant today.

(5) German literature – mostly Kafka, Nietzsche and Thomas Mann. Recently, I finished "Deutsche Hörer" by Thomas Mann – a set of radio messages from an exiled Mann living in the US to his homeland and compatriots living under Nazi rule. These messages, which were smuggled in, constitute a critique of fascism and ultra-nationalism, which are extremely relevant for us today. Right now I am trying to read Goethe's "Faust" – although I find reading poetry in German too heavy – even in English, I can't appreciate poetry. I can enjoy poetry only in Urdu and Persian.

Besides, I am also reading Tafsir-al-Manar by Md. Abduh and Rashid Rida in Arabic – it is one of the first modern and reformist exegeses of the Holy Qur'an.

This is an incomplete list of books I have gone through in the last 5-6 yrs – it is difficult to cover everything, but for a larger list, check the article mentioned above. In short, I have been able to read hundreds of books with renewed interest and concentration – in that respect, these years have been the most productive ones of my life.

(Q8) When Released:

I will try to finish my thesis ASAP – a couple of months of archival work is pending – and after that, I will keep researching and writing. As a software engineer and coder, I am better equipped than most historians to harness the digital revolution of AI in the service of history writing. But my academic life will be accompanied by activism and politics – the contours of which emerged during our discussions vis-à-vis the Bihar elections, but we have not arrived at the final shape at this moment. After getting out, I will hold discussions with friends, comrades, sympathetic intellectuals, civil society representatives and people at large to chart out a future course of action. But my experiences, both academic and practical, will be used in the service of our struggle for change, for improving the conditions of not only Muslims but all the marginalised peoples.

Message to Muslim intellectuals: I have two broad suggestions. The first one is about religious discourse. We have to foreground and articulate the Qur'anic message of universal, non-sectarian, anti-caste and monotheistic faith, while at the same time maintaining and exploring the unique historical mission of the Prophet as well as the Islamic Ummat in all its specificities. In the 19th-20th centuries, these ideas have been emphasised by many scholars, including Iqbal, Maulana Azad, Abdullah Yusuf Ali, etc. Enlightened monotheists advocating equality and rationalism among other religious communities are and have always been allies of enlightened Muslims. These are not new ideas, but central to the Qur'an and a clear articulation can be found in early scholars as well, see for e.g. Imam Ghazzali. And beyond monotheists, we have the Qur'anic motto of peaceful co-existence with all – "lakum deenukum wa lee-a-deen" (109:6) (To you be your Way/Faith; And to me Mine); or "la ikraha fid-deen" (2:256) (let there be no compulsion in religion). It is the responsibility of Muslim scholars to make these ideas commonplace to undo the damage done by narrow-minded bigots both among Muslims and non-Muslims. A related issue is of undoing the harm done by literalists – esp with respect to the readings and exegesis of the Holy Qur'an. As human knowledge and comprehension increase, simple concepts considered simple before reveal their underlying complexity – words such as Sun, moon, Earth, life, creation, etc. – increase in complexity and layers are added to their meanings. In that context, the dynamic reading of the Holy Qur'an becomes a duty of every generation. A scholar of the 10th century had his own set of tools, we have our own and future generations will have theirs. An old tafsir/exegesis can guide us, can be a reference point, but cannot be literally binding for future generations. While the performative/ritualistic core has been and will remain the same (salaat, fasting, Hajj, zakaat); each succeeding generation will face new issues, and find new solutions and new grounds of consensus in the Holy Qur'an.

A simple example is evolution – the data about evolutionary development has broadened our comprehension of the process of creation, and how this process might have unfolded over a long period of time – the Qur'anic terms "created", "developed", etc., can be understood better in this light – that is precisely what scholars like Iqbal and Maulana Azad have done. It is our responsibility to keep this process alive and strengthen it. (I have discussed evolution in my article on the POLIS project as well.)

The second suggestion is regarding historical scholarship and political discourse. We have to re-evaluate the history of partition and free ourselves from the pro-Congress and pro-centralisation bias while understanding partition. This will require meticulous research – but the focus should be on majoritarianism vs minority rights; results of 1937 and 1946 elections; centralisation vs decentralisation; caste discrimination; uniformity vs religious and cultural autonomy, etc.

We have to stop seeing our history through the prism of "nationalism" and start seeing it as a collection of humans and communities, and a patchwork of autonomous entities over thousands of years. We have to understand what led the educated and middle classes of Indian Muslims to oppose Congress and support the Cabinet Mission Plan 1946, and why Congress and Hindutva forces rejected it in favour of a partitioned but centralised India. It is through detailed answers to these questions that we will understand our history and come out of the "secular" trap which holds us responsible for partition. Even a die-hard Congressman like Maulana Azad clearly wrote in India Wins Freedom that if Congress rejects the Cabinet Mission Plan, then history will hold Congress responsible for partition. We, the scholars of India, have to write that history. Another example is Ram Jethmalani, a famous lawyer and a partition refugee from Sindh – he wrote to Indira Gandhi that it was her party which had partitioned India. Only through a clear understanding of our recent history can we understand the processes unfolding today and develop a clear democratic vision for the future.

A related point is about chronicling the oppression meted out to Muslims, Dalits and other backward and marginalised sections in post-partition India. It will serve two purposes: first, it will show clearly that systemic issues have plagued our Republic from the start and not just post-2014. And second: by distancing ourselves from Congress, we will disprove the fabricated theory in currency nowadays that Muslims had it easy under Congress's rule, while in truth, the scale of atrocities has defied proper documentation. It also means that we don't have to carry the burden of defending Congress and its misdeeds, which are, for the most part, indefensible. We have to build an anti-fascist discourse which is fresh, democratic, empowering and which creates space for regional and democratic forces.

And as for the Muslim youth, I will invoke Dr Ambedkar's slogan – "Educate, Organise and Agitate." Struggle against Casteism, Superstition and Communalism – and build alliances with other marginalised classes to agitate for systemic changes so that we become a just and equal society. So that the struggle of the marginalised classes against Fascism, against RSS-BJP, results in permanent structural changes.

Extra – About Bail Denial (This is in addition to the intro)

I discussed the aspect of the SC order which deals with the definition of terrorism in the introduction to this piece. Here I wish to add a few words about the other aspect – that of Article 21. When is my fundamental right violated? What is the Constitutional threshold? After 6 yrs, 7 yrs? The court asked us to come back after a year, so around 7 years, is that it? What about people who died in prison because of abuse of UAPA – Father Stan Swamy, Altaf Fantoosh, and also Prof. Sai Baba, who died soon after being acquitted and released. What about those political undertrial prisoners who have already spent more than 7 years, like many Kashmiri political prisoners, like Shabbir Shah or the elected MP from Baramulla, Engineer Rashid, who won elections from inside jail? UAPA has been weaponised to target political dissenters, esp but not only Muslims, to keep them in jail without conviction. Ex CJI DY Chandrachud, according to media reports, recently commented on our bail rejection – that we should have been granted bail. I was glad to hear it. But he should have shown the same attitude when he was CJI, and I had approached SC under Article 32 in Oct 2024, to expedite the hearing of my bail application in HC. But I still welcome the comment.

But there is still hope – there are people like Kapil Sibal, Siddhartha Dave, Fauzia Shakil who have tirelessly argued our case; lawyers like Kaleeswaram Raj, Sanjay Hegde etc who have written about us; politicians like Manoj Jha who have openly expressed solidarity; Hon'ble Judges like Justice Madan Lokur, Justice Dhulia who have spoken about us; veteran activists like Apoorvanand and Harsh Mander who have spoken about us; and countless more. I am thankful to all of them – I know of only a few names through the newspapers.

( A part of this letter was previously published by The Wire. Written before the Bengal elections, Sharjeel Imam had requested that the full and unabridged version be published by Karvaan India on the occasion of Eid.)